New Concepts of the Taiwan Policy and Its Role

Yan Anlin

　　In his speech at a forum marking the 30th anniversary of the issuance of the Message to Our Compatriots in Taiwan, Hu Jintao, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, advanced six detailed guidelines for ushering in a new phase of peaceful development of the relations between the two sides to the Taiwan Straits. These guidelines result not only from a systematic and in-depth review of across-Straits relations during the 30 years elapsing since the inception of reform and opening on the mainland of our motherland, but also provide a series of new propositions and expositions for promoting peaceful development of across-Straits relations and further serve as the platform guiding policies of the mainland of our motherland towards Taiwan during the period of peaceful development of across-Straits relations. They will play a tremendous role in ushering in a new phase of peaceful development of cross-Straits relations, creating a new interactive framework for the two sides of the Straits and promoting the process of peaceful reunification of the motherland.

　　New Policy Concepts Enunciated in the Speech

　　In his speech, General Secretary Hu Jintao offered comprehensive prospects and plans for the future course of the peaceful development of cross-Straits relations including mutual political trust, economic cooperation, personnel and cultural exchanges, foreign affairs, a mechanism for fostering mutual trust with respect to military security and a peace agreement. The speech contains a significant number of new policy concepts, chief among which are:

　　The speech noted that reunification of the two sides will signal an “end to political antagonism.” In addition, it proposes that mutual trust between the two sides be promoted on the basis of the one-China principle. Notwithstanding the circumstance that the two sides have yet to reunify, this does not per se denote a state of partition of Chinese territory and sovereignty. Rather, it is merely a state of political antagonism that is a legacy of the civil war between the KMT and the CPC. “Nevertheless, this does not alter the fact that both the mainland and Taiwan belong to one China. For the two sides to resume a state of unity will not effect an alteration of sovereignty or territory, but merely end political antagonism.” For the two sides to ultimately reunify betokens a politicalreunification, to which end we must begin by “promoting mutual political trust,” and “both sides should actively look to the future with a constructive attitude, undertake joint efforts, create favorable conditions, engage in negotiations based on the principle of equality, and gradually resolve any residual historical issues in cross-Straits relations and any new issues that may arise in the course of development thereof.”

　　The speech positively responded to Ma Ying-jeou’s proposal that a comprehensive economic cooperation agreement (CECA) be concluded between the two sides and plans for Taiwan’s participation in Asia-Pacific economic cooperation. With respect to the subject of the institutionalization of the two sides’ economic exchanges and cooperation, Vice Premier Qian Qichen proposed in 2002 that the two sides promote the establishment of a system for economic exchanges and cooperation, and afterwards further enter into an agreement, the Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (CEPA), with provisions for the two sides similar to but even closer than the CEPA subsisting between the mainland and Hong Kong; Ma Ying-jeou proposed in 2008 that the two sides conclude a CECA. Ultimately, the question thus posed is whether to promote the establishment of a system for economic cooperation or to conclude a CECA? The speech contains a very positive statement: “The two sides may sign a comprehensive economic cooperation agreement to this end and establish a mechanism for economic cooperation which defers to the characteristics of both sides, so as to maximize the synergy of respective advantages and mutual benefits.” “Establishing a process for a closer mechanism for cross-Straits economic cooperation is conducive to rendering Taiwan’s economy more competitive and expanding the arena for its development, conducive to promoting the common development of the economies on both sides, and conducive to exploring feasible approaches to the dovetailing of the common development of these economies with the economic cooperation mechanism in the Asia-Pacific region.” However, “exploring” these “feasible approaches” doubtless implies seeking an avenue of Taiwan’s future participation in the Asia-Pacific region’s cooperation. Naturally, achieving this can only truly occur on the basis of peaceful development of cross-Straits relations.

　　The speech proposed negotiating an agreement for cross-Straits cultural and education exchanges and indicted, “We shall continue to adopt active measures, including our readiness to negotiate an agreement on cross-Straits cultural and education exchanges, and to boost such exchanges and cooperation to a new level, one where they are more extensive in scope and higher in caliber.” This marked the first occasion upon which an official proposal for “negotiating an agreement for cross-Straits cultural and education exchanges” was forthcoming.

　　The speech noted that we are ready deal with the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) if it demonstrates a willingness to desist from its Taiwan independence secessionist activities. This aspect has three new concepts: One, we seek to court “various communities on the two sides, and their representatives,” regardless of whether these are of the blue or green camp. Two, we have a clearer definition of pro-Taiwan independence. We have modified our former reference to pro-independence individuals – “individuals who formerly harbored illusions about or advocated Taiwan independence or even engaged in Taiwan independence activities.” This speech stated that as long as “individuals who advocated or pursued Taiwan independence or engaged in Taiwan independence activities” return to “the correct course of promoting the peaceful development of cross-Straits relations,” we shall also warmly and sincerely welcome them. In short, this formulation is to establish an “anti-Taiwan independence united front” with greater inclusiveness, rather than “a rush to promote a unified front for reunification.” Three, we call upon the DPP to gain a clear awareness of the current situation, desist from its Taiwan independence secessionist activities, and stop running counter to the common wishes of the entire nation. The mainland of our motherland has once again extended an olive leaf to the DPP. “To the extent that the DPP recants its Taiwan independence secessionist position, this will elicit a positive response from us.”

　　The speech actively and positively devised a method for the issue of Taiwan authorities “participating in the activities of international organizations.” 1) “Further consultations can be conducted, as needed, on the prospect of Taiwan’s people-to-people, economic and cultural interactions with other countries.” 2) “With regard to the issue of Taiwan participating in the activities of international organizations, per the condition that this does not give rise to notions of ‘two Chinas’ or ‘one China, one Taiwan’, we can engage in concrete cross-Straits negotiations to arrive at fair and reasonable arrangements.” A proposal of this sort not only satisfies the aspirations and needs of our Taiwan compatriots to participate in various activities of international organizations such as the World Health Organization, but also guarantees Taiwan’s participation in the activities of international organizations shall ensue with adherence to the one-China principle, but that this may by no means give rise at the international level to a resulting “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan.”

The speech devised the main channels of the framework for peaceful development of cross-Straits relations. The primary, three-pronged approach to this end is: One, “concrete investigations” should be made into the orientation of political relations between the two sides prior to national reunification. “In order to facilitate their consultations and negotiations and their arrangements for their interactions, the two sides may make pragmatic explorations in their political relations under the special circumstances where the country has not yet been reunified.” However, in negotiating and resolving the issue of the orientation of political relations, we unavoidably need to negotiate and determine the political status of the Taiwan authorities, a point upon which Ma Ying-jeou’s administration remains adamant, and an issue that the mainland of our motherland also needs to confront and resolve. Two, explore a mechanism for fostering mutual trust with respect to military security should be established. The speech further solemnly proclaimed, “In the interest of stabilizing the situation in the Taiwan Straits and allaying apprehensions relating to military security, the two sides may at an opportune time engage and exchange with each other on military issues and explore a mechanism for fostering mutual trust with respect to military security.” Scholars from both sides have been discussing the two sides’ military and security issues. These issues are of great concern to the people on both sides, and particularly to people in Taiwan, and Ma Ying-jeou’s administration has repeatedly discussed them in public. Three, the speech repeated the appeal: “On the basis of the one-China principle, we should formally end the state of hostilities across the Straits through consultation and reach a peace agreement.”

　　The Role and Positive Impact of the Speech on

　　Peaceful Development of Cross-Straits Relations

　　The speech will greatly promote development of the new situation characterized by peaceful development of cross-Straits relations. It is a guiding platform devised by the mainland of the motherland for promoting this situation to satisfy the expectations of the masseson both sides and flow with the objective international situation when new opportunities present themselves for peaceful development of across-Straits relations, and the three direct links of transport, mail, and trade have been basically established between the two sides. The speech will serve as a historical new starting point for creating a peaceful new panorama in cross-Straits relations and especially for a new and interactive motif in these relations.

　　The speech resolves the dialectical relationship between development, unification and national rejuvenation. It offers a model for succeeding to and developing the Taiwan policy, for organically integrating the principles with the flexibility of the Taiwan policy and for organically combining the strategic and tactical nature of our Taiwan work. Most of all, the speech correctly handles the relationship between peaceful development of cross-Straits relations, complete reunification of China and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

　　China must follow the road to peaceful development of cross-Straits relations as a prelude to complete reunification, and peaceful development of relations is the initial phase in peaceful reunification; only through peaceful development of relations can a foundation for eventual peaceful reunification take form and a momentum for reunification take deep root. “Reunification” requires “development” as its foundation. To attain the goal of “reunification” through “development,” organically integrate the Taiwan Policy with the modernization program, and set development in first place, we must first of all grasp opportunities to elevate our overall national strength. Within a relatively long time from now, the primary task in our Taiwan work will remain developing cross-Straits relations and strongly promoting the forces for reunification in order to lay a deep-set foundation for future reunification. The great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation will further assist in the peaceful reunification of the two sides; the complete reunification of our motherland can thus be realized by the rejuvenation of our nation. This new exposition will make the mainland of the motherland’s reform and opening up and the achievements therein provide a powerful impetus for the peaceful development of across-Straits relations.

　　This speech shall long serve as the primary pivot for the mainland of the motherland’s Taiwan policy. It provided the ideology for promoting the building of a framework of peaceful development of cross-Straits relations and stressed the need to adhere to the theme of “peace” and uphold the absolute principle of “development” in the course of developing mutual interaction and trust between the two sides. All this will provide the basic policy guiding the mainland of our motherland’s future Taiwan work and will be incorporated into the specific measures and practices in our Taiwan work, while being instrumental therein and exerting a very strong influence thereon. 

　　The speech made a fervent appeal to the two sides to strengthen communication on military affairs and on our Taiwan compatriots’ participation in international activities. This indicates that the two sides will shortly enter onto a new stage of “political dialogue.” We hope that the current stage of peaceful development of relations which “only talks economics” will shift to an “equal emphasis on politics and economics.” If the Taiwan authorities are fully sensible of the goodwill of the mainland of the motherland, we can be bound to look forward to political dialogue and closer contacts between the two sides, begin measures for building trust at the military level, and look forward to “multi-directional engagement and negotiations” between the two sides. Although we may meet with setbacks, the course of peaceful development is clear, the overall blueprint for peaceful development is unveiled and the current of peaceful development is unstoppable.