Remembering the Past While Reaching for the Future

Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme

　　This year marks the 50th anniversary of Tibet’s democratic reform. In an act with a far-reaching effect and great significance, the Second Session of the Ninth People’s Congress of the Tibet Autonomous Region recently designated March 28 to thereafter become the annual Serf Liberation Day. Over the past more than 50 years, I have not only borne intimate witness to the final chapter and subsequent abolition of a system of feudal serfdom that had subsisted for more than one thousand years, but also joined ranks as a member of the upper class in old Tibet with all other patriots in throwing ourselves into this great revolution. When Premier Zhou Enlai signed the March 28, 1959 decree of the State Council, I was appointed Vice Chairman of the Preparatory Committee and Secretary General of the Tibet Autonomous Region. Looking back on it all now, I observe that the massive wave of democratic reform in Tibet not only spurred a historical leap in the region, but also pointed out the direction of its forward progress.

　　The Tibetans are a great people and a superlative constituent of the Chinese nation. They claim an age-old history and a scintillating culture, especially as the birthplace of Tibetan Buddhism. I was born in 1910 and have a clear understanding of the old Tibet before the 1959 democratic reform. That Tibet was a realm of darkness that had long languished under the theocratic tyranny of monks and nobles, mired in a feudal society based on a system of serfdom whose productive forces were extremely depressed, with a dearth of material resources that denied even the production of something as basic as matches. The government, nobles and upper echelon temple monks who together comprised less than 5% of the Tibetan population owned virtually all of Tibet’s arable land, pasturage and livestock. The serfs who made up 95% of the population were property; to their owners, they were mere chattels that could be bought and sold, transferred, gifted, pledged as security or traded, and the serfs had to bear crushing ground rents and 100 taxes, while additionally being subject to larvee. Utter and abject penury was thus their lot in life. The extremely backward system of feudal serfdom subjected the serfs not only to political oppression, but also to class exploitation, and grievously shackled Tibet’s productivity, economy and society in a long-term state of moribund stagnation. Tibet’s environment of backwardness and isolation was such that it caused all of Tibet’s society to be locked in a state of conservative self-containment. For example, the fact that our entire society conducted an 8-year campaign to resist Japan’s invasion of China was a circumstance known only to a small number of members of the upper class in Tibet, not to mention ordinary people there. Under such circumstances, few progressive ideas penetrated to Tibet and all of Tibetan society was in a course of accelerating decay. At that time, some enlightened upper-class people and I realized that if this state of affairs were allowed to go on, it would sound the death knell to the serfs soon – even the nobles would be unable to live on – and that the entire society would perish.

　　Looking back now, the peaceful liberation of Tibet spared the Tibetan people the aggression of imperialism, returned them to the warm embrace of the motherland and brought about the great unity of the Chinese nation, including the Tibetans, under the new historical conditions and wrought a magnificent historic transformation in Tibet. Tibet’s democratic reform overthrew the ruling power of the three major estate-holders – local administrative officials, aristocrats and upper-ranking lamas in the monasteries, and the societal basis of the feudal system of serfdom and eliminated the ownership and exploitation of the masses of serfs by the three major estate-holders. The democratic reform not only liberated the serfs; it liberated the productive forces and at the same time saved all of Tibet, while unveiling a new age for Tibet, a portal to a new society. This was a fundamental societal transformation in which Tibet emerged from decay and regression towards prosperous development, and this was thus a historical inevitability for Tibet’s development.

　　From my viewpoint, the smooth progression of Tibet’s democratic reform is ultimately attributable to the Communist Party of China (CPC) introducing a series of policies and lines adapted to promoting the fundamental interests of the people of all of Tibet’s ethnic groups.

　　First, the central government considered Tibet’s history and actual, special circumstances when adopting the policy of “careful, steady progress” for the reform of Tibet’s social system. The 17-Article Agreement clearly provides that “with respect to each of Tibet’s affairs, the central government shall refrain from acts of compulsion and shall leave the local government of Tibet free to institute reform of its own accord and, when the people impose their demands for reform, it shall resolve problems therefor in accordance with consultations with Tibetan leaders.” Up until 1956, when Tibet’s democratic reform came up on the agenda, however, deeming the conditions as yet unripe, the central government proposed the “six-year moratorium on reform” so that the high-level people of Tibet would raise their consciousness thereto. The central people’s government’s careful attitude and exceptionally tolerant policy ultimately extensively won the Tibetan people’s hearts and minds with regard to democratic reform. Yet there were some among the higher echelons of the ruling elite in Tibet who mistakenly assessed the situation and, in order to preserve the system of theocratic feudal rule, publicly tore the 17-Article Agreement into pieces and flagrantly launched an armed, counterrevolutionary insurrection across the board, in the wake of which the Dalai Lama and his hangers-on fled to exile in India. This bungled enterprise of theirs not only failed to stay the course of democratic reform, restore the system of feudal theocratic rule and achieve their dream of Tibetan independence, but to the contrary spurred the masses of Tibetan monks and high-level patriots to demand that the insurrection be quelled as swiftly as possible and democratic reform be carried out, thus accelerating the course of the reform.

　　Second, conscientiously implementing the principle of seeking truth from facts and proceeding from Tibet’s realities in the midst of democratic reform, the central government resolutely abided by the principle of peaceful reform and the policy of differentiated treatment, and integrated top-to-bottom democratic consultations with bottom-to-top efforts to mobilize the masses. With respect to serf owners who participated in the insurrection, the central government implemented a policy of confiscating the means of production and distributing them to serfs and slaves, while practicing the policy of redeeming the means of production from those serf owners not taking part in the insurrection and then, after it had bought these means of production at a reasonable price, the central government distributed them among the serfs and slaves. At the same time as it liberated the manorial slaves, it eliminated personal bondage. In pastoral areas, owners of grazing livestock who joined in the insurrection had their ownership rights revert to their liberated former herders who retained the income therefrom. Ownership rights vested in those grazing livestock owners not participating in the insurrection, but their exploitive practices were curbed, and herders’ incomes thereby increased. With regard to temples, and in accordance with the principle of separation of religion and state, on the one hand the system of special temple rights and oppressive exploitation was eliminated, while on the other adherence to the policy of freedom of religious belief accorded respect to the people’s right to religious freedom. The central government was able to win the enthusiastic endorsement and support of the masses of monks through this series of correct policies.

　　Third, the central government instituted and protected the democratic rights of the Tibetan people, and conferred upon all the people of the Tibetan masses the status of master in their own house. The 17-Article Agreement provides that “Under the unified leadership of the Central People’s Government, the Tibetan people enjoy their right to the exercise of regional ethnic autonomy.” From its preparation to its official establishment, Tibet’s exercise of regional eth nic autonomy underwent a 9-year tortuous course, until the Tibet Autonomous Region finally came into official existence in September 1965. That year, approximately 92% of localities had established township people’s governments basely mainly on liberated serfs and slaves. At the time that the First People’s Congress of the autonomous region was in session, of the 301 deputies seated, ethnic minority deputies including Tibetans accounted for more than 80%, and high-level Tibetan patriots and religious personages accounted for an additional 11%. In the course of democratic reform, the central government heeded the opinions of the masses of Tibetan-ethnic cadres and high-level patriots, took the interests of Tibetan compatriots into account, subjected major democratic reform measures to mature deliberation and thus created a durable societal foundation for their implementation. The facts demonstrate that the thorough overthrow of a system of rule based on theocratic feudal serfdom serves as an emblem of the Tibetan people’s true enjoyment of the independent administration of their region’s affairs and their right to administer the nation’s affairs, thus realizing a historic leap towards a socialist society and laying a bedrock foundation for Tibet’s prosperity and progress.

　　Fourth, the Party’s ethnic and religious policies were correctly implemented and executed. My deepest impression is that at the time the central government was considering Tibet’s special historical development, geographic environment and natural conditions, the cadres dispatched to Tibet and the People’s Liberation Army troops stationed there all respected the Tibetan people’s lifestyles, customs and traditional culture, and strictly observed the “Three Main Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points for Attention.” An example of this is that whenever troops were encamped in the rough while out on the road by a temple, even when freezing in their tents, they would never so much as set one foot inside the temple. After the central government issued the principle of the “six-year moratorium on reform,” Tibet started tightening its structure and downsizing personnel by sending a large number of Han-ethnic cadres and workers to the interior and sending redundant young Tibetan-ethnic cadres to the interior for study. PLA forces throughout the entire region were also downsized. Because the Han-ethnic cadres and PLA troops in Tibet wholeheartedly advanced all the Tibetan people’s rights and resolutely safeguarded their legitimate rights with a deep and extensive feeling, the broad masses of monks and laity in Tibet viewed them as their own compatriots, brothers and the saviors of their people, while upper-level patriots viewed them as bosom friends through thick and thin. The influence of the CPC quickly pervaded every corner of Tibet, and penetrated to the heart of every Tibetan, ultimately winning the understanding and trust of the masses of monks, laity and upper-level patriots, inspiring their enthusiasm, and enlisting their powerful support and cooperation, and thus leading within a very short period to the achievement of decisive victories in democratic reform, pacification of the insurrection and establishment of the Tibet Autonomous Region. And even amid the upheavals of such an era as the Cultural Revolution, the people of all of Tibet’s ethnic groups were in just the same situation as the people of all other ethnic groups in the country: hearts for the Party, hearts for the motherland.

　　If one were to say that the period prior to the 1980s was one in which Tibet manifested the attainment of conspicuous social progress in the realization of people’s political rights, then the era since the 1980s represents the period in which Tibet has witnessed across-the-board, leapfrog development. In 1980, Tibet was like every other area throughout the entire country: it was just recovering from the wounds and rubble sustained during the Cultural Revolution, and the central government accordingly convened the First Tibet Work Forum to restore order amid the chaos and proclaimed the strategic goal of “struggle to build a united, prosperous and cultured new Tibet.” Thereafter, in accordance with Tibet’s actual circumstances and the state of the national economy, the central government enhanced the level of aid bestowed on Tibet and formulated a raft of preferential policies. As of the present, the central government has thus far convened four sessions of the Tibet Work Forum and, through its experience drawn from “One Turning Point” and “Two Milestones,” researched and resolved issues relating to Tibet at different stages in its history and at different levels of development, and determined, fine-tuned and perfected each of its policies to assist Tibet’s development. With the solicitude of the central government, the selfless support of the people of the entire nation and the firm leadership of Tibet Autonomous Region Party Committee and government, the people of all of Tibet’s ethnic groups from all walks of life have joined ranks in concerted struggle, tenaciously striving to effect a wholesale transformation of and craft a whole new appearance for Tibet. A unique modern industry system has already basically taken shape. The system has mining, construction materials, tourism, folk handcrafts and traditional Tibetan pharmaceutical industries as the mainstay and covers electric power, agricultural and livestock produce and food processing. Transportation focusing on highways forms a coordinated-development transportation network with Lhasa at its center, extending to all points of the compass and also encompassing aviation, railways and pipeline transportation. The advent of the Qinghai-Tibet Railway brought to a close Tibet’s long history as a land without trains. The standard of living of the people of all of Tibet’s ethnic groups has effectively improved and risen. The government invests large sums every year to promote Tibet’s environmental protection, and its unique plateau is in the midst of sustainable development.

　　Tibet enjoys burgeoning economic development, and the abundance of material conditions on hand is reinvigorating Tibet’s ethnic culture and causing all of its civil affairs to thrive. The temples and ancient cultural relics damaged during the Cultural Revolution are undergoing salvage and restoration, and various historic sites such as the Potala Palace, the Tashilhunpo Monastery, the Jokhang Temple and the Sakya Monastery receive massive amounts from the government for renovation and preservation, and have been designated national-level, major cultural preservation projects. Pursuant to such acts as the Law on Regional Ethnic Autonomy, the People’s Congress of the Tibet Autonomous Region has formulated the Regulations on Tibet Autonomous Region Studies and the Use and Development of the Tibetan Language, thereby enshrining in law the widespread use of the Tibetan language at work, in education and in everyday life. For the first time in its history, Tibet boasts a consummate system of modern education beginning with kindergarten, to primary and secondary school and thence on to university, and it was the first in the entire nation to provide free compulsory education in both urban and rural areas. Tibet’s levels of medical care and sanitation have also achieved great forward strides: average human life expectancy has risen since the time of peaceful liberation from 35.5 to the current 67 years. From the beginning of the last century until today, I has personally experienced and borne intimate witness to the old and the new Tibet, and strongly believe that only under the leadership of the CPC and by following the road of socialism with Chinese characteristics could the people of Tibet truly have be come the master in their own house, and that only by dwelling within the great family of the Chinese motherland could Tibet have developed and progressed, and only thereby could its people have attained their present well-being and healthy contentment.

　　Since Tibet’s peaceful liberation, with the support of Western anti-China forces, the Dalai Lama clique has never once slackened in its activities to split the motherland. They have not let one opportunity slip to perpetrate all manner of enormities and sow discord in the social order and thereby disturb the people’s right to quiet enjoyment of their peaceful lives and pursuits. They still claim that they wish for a “Greater Tibet” and a “high degree of autonomy.” Tibet officially became part of the territory of China during the Yuan Dynasty, casting its lot in with the motherland and sharing with the people of all her ethnic groups both weal and woe ever since. Outside of the present Tibet Autonomous Region itself, the so-called “Greater Tibet” has never come into existence. After liberation of the entire nation, all other areas of Tibetan ethnic settlement in whichever province were set aside as ethnic autonomous areas, with the right to exercise democratic autonomy and with the support from the masses of cadres. This has long become historical status quo. Based on the “Greater Tibet” the Dali Lama clique plans through partition, fully one fourth of China’s national soil would have to be partitioned in order to create their administrative region so that they would ultimately achieve their goal of Tibetan independence. As history eloquently attests, Tibetan independence is a chimera and is doomed to failure. As an elderly person one year shy of a century, I hope that the Dalai Lama will fully recant Tibetan independence in accordance with the demands of the central government and return to the fold of patriotism. The door to contact and negotiations between the central government and the Dalai Lama stands wide open to this end. I further sincerely hope that those of our Tibetan compatriots who have erred and strayed abroad and whose hearts are yet tied to our ancient soil will do what is beneficial and right for the sake of their homeland, their forebears and their intimates.

　　On this day upon which we commemorate Serf Liberation Day, it behooves us and our posterity to always remember the past as we reach for the future. My almost 100-year lifespan has witnessed many transformations in Tibet’s history. Participating in the signing of the 17-Article Agreement for peaceful liberation and taking part in the dynamic democratic reform and the creation of people’s democratic government in the Tibet Autonomous Region constituted the three greatest events I witnessed in Tibet. That I was able to participate in this conferral of benefits suited to our ethnic group, one which has ably withstood the tests of historical events, is a source of no inconsiderable satisfaction. I believe that as long as we uphold the leadership of the CPC and the system of socialism, resolutely preserve intact the unity of the motherland and the solidarity of the nation, continue reform and opening up and firmly trust and rely on the broad masses of Tibetan people, we will be able to provide a fundamental guarantee for Tibet’s prosperity and stability. As long as we uphold the system of ethnic regional autonomy and fully implement the Party’s ethnic and religious policies, and preserve and develop Tibet’s exquisite traditional culture, we will enable Tibet’s development and prosperity to further escalate. As long as the masses of the people of all of Tibet’s ethnic groups firmly rely on the leadership of the CPC, seek truth from facts and pioneer innovation, we will with certainty attain our objective of building a united, prosperous, culturally advanced and harmonious socialist new Tibet.